There was an expectation of a high leader of ancient lineage who would fulfil the prophecies

There was an expectation of a high leader of ancient lineage who would fulfil the prophecies

Which tho it was a great principality was nothing comparable sopra Greatness and power, onesto the ancient and famous kingdom of Scotland

developing British nation, the British line of kings was per prominent topos in Welsh poetry durante the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Even before the Battle of Bosworth, poets reflected verso growing link between the Welsh gentry and, depending on alliances, York or Lancastrian leaders. Welsh poets praised the ancient British heritage of Edward IV. The poet, Lewis Glyn Cothi (1447–1486), traced Edward’s descent from Gwladys Ddu, the daughter of Llywelyn Vawr, and beyond that onesto Cadwaladr, Arthur and Brutus. Indeed he equates Edward with Arthur.60 Later, this fusion of historical and Galfridian genealogy became per means of expressing loyalty esatto both Tudor and Stewart monarchs and still retain the ispirazione of Arthur as per redeemer. Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn addressed Henry Tudor sopra per paraphrase of the Glastonbury epitaph, ‘Harri was, Harri is, Harri will be.’61 The reception of Geoffrey’s history and its continuance as verso validation for kingship during the Wars of the Roses created a link with Henry VII that developed into an Act of Union with his cri.62 Foremost for the Welsh patrons of these poets were their own political interests per both Tudor and Stewart Wales. Whatever the long-term consequences for Welsh identity, at the time it was verso way of creating verso cultural identity sopra which Wales had an ancient primacy, but also functioned within a nation which included old allies such as the Scots, and traditional enemies, such as the Saxons.63 This awareness of nationhood survived during the Tudor period in Wales, but was transferred esatto the concept of a unified government. Sopra the words of Humphrey Prichard, addressing Queen Elizabeth con 1592, ‘What is more praiseworthy and more honourable preciso see different nations divided by different languages brought under the rule of one prince?’64 During this time, and later during the Stewart period, a new image of Welsh cultural identity emerged, namely a Cambro-British political identity in the context of per wider nation state as Welsh writers attempted to adopt modern historical techniques and still retain the world-view con Geoffrey’s Historia.65 This applied essentially preciso the gentry, for whom the term distinguished them from other Britons, the descendants of the Saxon invaders. It was an identity based on language, culture and antiquarian interests that highlighted an inheritance from an illustrious British past,66 and the term ‘Great Britain’ began to be applied preciso a unified realm composed of all Geoffrey’s ancient kingdoms. 60

During this same period, Scottish writers became increasingly focused on their own kind of kingship

Addirittura. D. Jones, ‘Lewis Glyn Cothi’, sopra Per Binario to Welsh Literature, di nuovo. A. Ovverosia. H. Jarman and Gwilym Rees Hughes (Swansea, 1979), pp. 250–1; E. D. Jones, Gwaith Lewis Glyn Cothi (Cardiff and Aberystwyth, 1953). Griffiths and Thomas, Making of the Tudor Dynasty, p. 198; Dafydd Llwyd of Mathafarn, ed. Ancora. Roberts (Chester, 1981). See David Starkey, ‘King Henry and King Arthur’, Arthurian Literature 16 (1998), 171–96 for contrasting uses of Arthur durante Scotland and England during the reign of Henry VIII. Peter Roberts, ‘Tudor Wales, National Identity and the British Inheritance’, durante British Consciousness and Identity: The Making of Britain 1533–1707, di nuovo. B. Bradshaw and P. Roberts (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 8–42 (pp. 20–1, 38); Davies, Revolt of Owain Glyn Dw? r, p. 124. J. Gwynfor Jones, ‘The Welsh Gentry and the Image of the “Cambro-Briton”, c. 1603–25′ Welsh History Review 20 (), 620–7, 628. Juliette Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past sopra Welsh Folklore Studies’, Folklore 108 (1997), 93–9; Roberts, ‘Ymagweddau at Brut y Brenhinedd’, pp. 130–9. Wood, ‘Perceptions of the Past’, pp. 95–7.

If ever Geoffrey’s vision approached reality, it was under James VI, particularly before the death of his bruissement Henry, Prince of Wales.67 James VI brought the kingdoms of Scotland and England and the Principality of Wales into per scapolo political unit and the preoccupazione of Britain seemed poised preciso become a political reality at last. Huw Machno (1606) addressed James with the traditional honorific phrase, ‘bruissement of prophecy’ and ‘king of Great Britain’.68 Not surprisingly, the Arthurian myth was still viable per this new context. The Venetian envoy observed ‘It is said that the king disposed puro abandon the titles of England and Scotland and puro call himself King of Great Britain like that famous and ancient king Arthur.’69 James himself was more prosaic. Speaking before parliament sopra 1603, he commented, ‘hath not the Union of Wales esatto England added to greater strength thereto? ’70 Wales here is a ultimogenito apprendista, no longer the equal ally alluded puro con medieval and Renaissance Scottish chronicles. Nevertheless, the concept of the Cambro-Briton influenced a number of antiquaries, Welsh humanist scholars and bards who continued preciso defend Geoffrey during the seventeenth century and viewed James’ accession esatto the throne through per Galfridian perspective.71 For example, the MP Sir William Maurice, squire of Clenennau, in per Commons speech in 1609 addressed James as ‘king of Great Britain’. Per support, he cited Welsh prophecies, such as the ‘coronage vabanan’, verso Welsh version of the prophecy of the crowned child, and other ‘prophecies con Wealshe w’ch foretolde his comings to the place he nowe most rightfullie enjoyeth’.72 Per 1604, George Owen Harry compiled a Genealogy of the High and Mighty Monarch James . . . King of Great Britayne. Such writing, of which this is only one example, demonstrated an interest sopra the early history of Scotland, but stressed common lineage of Welsh and Scots with prime governo accorded Welsh, exactly the opposite of the king’s own view.73 Increasingly, language became a marca of identity. Although there had always been an acknowledged division between the speakers of Gaelic and Scots, evident mediante Scotichronicon as in later texts, George Buchanan was among the first to see links between Welsh and Gaelic.74 For example, the epigrams of John Owen referred puro four languages spoken in James’s empire.75 Nene Holland’s preface onesto his Welsh translation of Basilicon Doron (1604)

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